FROM THE MIMEOGRAPH TO THE PDF

The Mimeograph in action. Via the Civil Rights Movement Archive.

Sonia Sanchez taught a Black literature course in the English department. “At that time,” she said, “it was a revolutionary idea to insert into the English Department the study of African-American literature.” Many of the texts were out of print, so she often read aloud from her copy and reproduced excerpts, using mimeograph machines with messy ink. “My hands were always blue and purple,” Sanchez recalls “I thought they would never get clean again.” 


— Martha Biondi, The Black Revolution on Campus (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2012), 47. 


C.L.R. James was the only person I knew in those days who had a copying machine in his apartment, and they were big in those days. That machine was crucial to his working methods then.


— Aldon Nielsen quoted in Jeremy Matthew Glick, The Black Radical Tragic: Performance, Aesthetics, and the Unfinished Haitian Revolution (New York: New York University Press, 2016), 216. 


At Birmingham, where we had no resources, the very first day we arrived, they taught us all how to use the mimeograph machine, because they said "everything you write, everyone else is going to want to read, so you have to type it on a stencil and mimeograph it off." So every morning you got there, and in your pigeonhole would be these one- or two- or three-page manifestos that people had written. I remember someone read The History of Sexuality in French when it was first published, and immediately wrote up a four-page single-spaced precis of the book for those who didn't read French.


— Michael Denning, “The Cultural Commons: An Interview with Michael Denning,” Reconstruction 8:1 (2008).

 


In a world where books have long lost all likeness to books, the real book can no longer be one. If the invention of the printing press inaugurated the bourgeois era, the time is at hand for its repeal by the mimeograph, the only fitting, the unobtrusive means of dissemination. 


— Theodor Adorno, Minima Moralia: Reflections from Damaged Life, trans. E.F.N. Jephcott (London: Verso, 1978), 51.


Predicament and Routes, after a period of existence as "books," have enjoyed a second life in the form of photocopies and PDF files. Some of this "publication" has occurred within the rules of copyright, some not. Knowledge transmitted this way cannot, nor should it, be legally contained. In any event, it has become all too clear that the academic book, as a physical object, does not travel very well. Disassembled and modular, the text gets around.


— James Clifford, Returns: Becoming Indigenous in the Twenty-First Century (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013), 10.

NO DISCIPLINE

1.


Abd-al Hakimu Ibn Alkalimat, "Common Problems, Common Solutions: Toward a Pan-African Ideology," Journal of Black Poetry 1:14 (1970-71)


My first reaction is to have our tribal governments establish research protocols and to ban people like this from writing about our tribes. 

Delphine Red Shirt, “A Review of our ‘New History’: Part III,” Lakota Times (December 19, 2019). 

One of the members had explained to the natives (the report naturally refers them “sauvages”) that the high mortality rate was caused by the wines and liquors, which they did not know how to consume in moderation. “Why don’t you write to your great King,” one of the natives asked, “to prohibit the transporting of these beverages which are killing us?” “The French,” the Jesuit answered, need them to help them stand the sea voyages and the freezing temperatures of these places.” “Well then,” the other said, “arrange that they be the only ones to drink them.” At this point, a second native stood up: “No, it is not these beverages which kill us, it is your writings. As soon as you started to describe our country, our rivers, our lands, our forests, we all began to die, in a way that was not happening before you came.” 

Carlo Ginzburg, “The Europeans Discover (or Rediscover) the Shamans,” in Threads and Traces: True False Fictive (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2012), 87.

In contrast to tortuous attempts throughout the Arab world to reconcile nascent academic social sciences with Western Orientalist anthropology, at least on the official level, Algerian authorities said no. Ethnology was banned outright at the twenty-fourth International Conference of Sociology in Algiers in March 1974. 

Susan Slyomovics, “‘The Ethnologist-Spy Was Hanged, at That Time We Were a Little Savage’: Anthropology in Algeria with Habib Tengour,” b2o: an online journal (December 10, 2018) 

2. 

The Asiatic Society of Bengal, center. William Wood, A Series of Twenty-Eight Panoramic Views of Calcutta (1833).



Anyone who still thinks of interdisciplinarity as the key to a new world should consider that it has been a working principle for World Bank teams on the ground in Africa since the Bank’s inception. The same goes for the concept of area studies – interdisciplinary scholarship focused on different regions of the world – which emerged in the US after 1945, with support from the Ford Foundation, and eventually spread across the Atlantic. 

Mahmood Mamdani, “The African University,” London Review of Books 40:14 (July 19, 2018) 

The institutionalization of the nominal divisions of the social sciences is extremely strong today, despite all the genuflection before the rosy glow of “interdisciplinarity.” Indeed, I would argue that interdisciplinarity is itself a lure, representing the greatest support possible to the current list of disciplines, by implying that each has some special knowledge that it might be useful to combine with some other special knowledges in order to solve some practical problem. 

Immanuel Wallerstein, “The Heritage of Sociology, the Promise of Social Science,” in The End of the World as We Know it: Social Science for the Twenty-First Century (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001), 246. Originally delivered at Fourteenth World Congress of Sociology, Montreal, July 26, 1998. 

I have always been slightly bemused by the constant celebration or dismissal of interdisciplinarity within queer studies, particularly when it comes to the diversified holdings of queer archives. To return to a point I made earlier about periodization and geopolitics, such questions of interdisciplinarity often seem beside the point within histories of colonialism and sexuality. If one were to take the case of colonial India, for example, interdisciplinarity emerges more as a ruse of the colonial state, rather than a disruptive reading practice. What we need, now more than ever, is a genealogy of interdisciplinarity as concept and practice within and without Euro-American archival forms. For me, queer archival forms demand reading practices that are meandering, ragged, and unfamiliar; no blueprints here for a studied interdisciplinarity! 

Anjali Arondekar, “Queering Archives: A Roundtable Discussion,” Radical History Review 122 (2015), 228-229.


Further reading: Joyce A. Lander, ed., The Death of White Sociology (New York: Vintage, 1973), especially Dennis Forsythe’s chapter, “Radical Sociology and Blacks,” 213-233; Vine Deloria, Jr., Custer Died for Your Sins: An Indian Manifesto (New York: Macmillan, 1969); Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon, 1978); Irene Gendzier, Managing Political Change: Social Scientists and the Third World (Boulder: Westview Press, 1985); Partha Chatterjee, ed., Texts of Power: Emerging Disciplines in Colonial Bengal (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Bernard S. Cohn, Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); Omnia El Shakry, The Great Social Laboratory: Subjects of Knowledge in Colonial and Postcolonial Egypt (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007); Mayssoun Sukarieh and Stuart Tannock, “On the Problem of Over-Researched Communities: The Case of the Shatila Palestinian Refugee Camp in Lebanon,” Sociology 47:3 (2013): 494-508; Durba Mitra, Indian Sex Life: Sexuality and the Colonial Origins of Modern Social Thought (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2020).

WRITING REVOLUTIONS: HANNA BATATU & C.L.R. JAMES


"Human States" Dia al-Azzawi (1975) 


When I began working on The Old Social Classes in the late 1950s, I was irresistibly drawn to the literature on revolution. I do not know precisely why, but probably my Palestinian background explains it. The disruptions of the lives and world of many Palestinians made them, so to speak, natural rebels. In Iraq the time was one troubles and unusual ideological ferment. The spirit of revolution was in the air. Moreover, what happened in Iraq in 1958 and 1959, and later in 1963—awe-inspiring and terrible events whose course I watched closely and with intense interest—confirmed me in the view that it is in moments of great upheaval that societies are best studied. It seemed, indeed, that at no other moment did Iraq bare itself as much or disclose more of its secrets. 


Hanna Batatu, “The Old Social Classes Revisited,” in Robert A. Fernea and Wm. Roger Louis, eds., The Iraqi Revolution of 1958: The Old Social Classes Revisited (London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 1991). PDF.


Toussaint was not only a black man, he was also a West Indian. A West Indian, Rene Maran, wrote his famous novel Batouala about the ways the French were treating black people in Africa; George Padmore wrote and worked for the world revolution with Africa at its centre; Aime Cesaire had in mind that African civilization would be the one to balance the degradation and the absolute dilapidation of Western civilization; Frantz Fanon worked in Algeria; Fidel Castro called the other day for "the Asian and African combination"; and I wrote my book with the African revolution in mind. It seems that those who come from a small island always think of a revolution in very wide terms. That is the only way they could come out of it. You can't begin to think of a little revolution in a small island. From Toussaint onward, they all had that in mind. 


C.L.R. James, “Lectures on The Black Jacobins,” Small Axe 8 (September 2000). PDF.

AMERICAN TEAR GAS IN HASHEMITE IRAQ


tear gas training
The National Police Journal 9:1 (January, 1922), 5.
This image illustrates an article on "Philadelphia's Department of Experts."

In the last week of December, 1949, the Iraqi police in Baghdad received their first shipment of tear gas from the United States. Purchased for twenty-one thousand dollars by the Iraqi Embassy in Washington D.C, it was the first time the Iraqi police had gotten their hands on the chemical weapon. The gas had been acquired on the advice of the British authorities. Although nominally independent since 1932, the tremendous British political and military presence in Iraq belied any notion that the Arab state was actually sovereign. Born out of rebellion, from the end of the Great War until the overthrow of the British-backed Hashemite monarchy in 1958, Iraq was no stranger to protests, strikes, riots, coups d'état, and all kinds of intifadat.

The arrival of the tear gas is recounted in a file from the India Office Records. The Portsmouth Treaty, which extended the British occupation of Iraq, sparked a mass insurrection in January 1948. Known as al-Wathba or "the Leap," the students, workers, communists, and nationalists involved in the revolt were met by state violence and mass arrests. Hundreds were killed and many more imprisoned. It was in the aftermath of these events that the British recommended to the Iraqi police they acquire some tear gas. The British Embassy in Baghdad advised the Iraqis on the “usefulness of tear gas” having observed that the Iraqi police had “shown themselves incapable of dealing with mob violence and this affects stability of Government.”

As Anna Feigenbaum has demonstrated in her recent account of tear gas’ global proliferation over the twentieth century, the gas—which is actually a powder and induces far more than tears—was regularly deployed, endorsed, and advertised by the United States and the British themselves as a civilizing and certainly a pacifying weapon.¹ Across its empire, Britain tear-gassed those who threatened its authority in the days of anti-colonial insurgency. And in the 1920s, local and federal police across the United States began to regularly deploy the gas against striking workers or “race riots.”  

Though armed with the chemicals, the Iraqis had no idea how to use the new weaponry. An “expert” was needed. In the year before the gas was delivered, the Iraqis and the British worked to obtain some of the requisite expertise. On behalf of the police, the Iraqi Ministry of Foreign Affairs asked the British to help them “obtain the services of an expert in tear gases.” “The ideal man for the job,” reasoned the British in their correspondence among themselves, “would be an Englishman who has seen service in India or some other country in which tear gas is used in climatic conditions similar to those prevailing here. If such a man cannot be found, the next choice would be an Englishman who knew about tear gas in general; and failing that, the Iraqis would accept a Pakistani Moslem police officer with the necessary specialist knowledge.” Even in its waning days, the British Empire sought to exploit its corps of colonial administrators around the world.    

Neither a British nor a Pakistani expert could initially be recruited for the job. A seemingly eager U.S. Embassy in Baghdad, however, “suggested that if we [the British] cannot provide an expert we might consider asking for an American.”

“They think they could get one seconded free of charge from the 'riot squad' of the New York or Detroit police.”²

The British were not keen on this American intervention, for it broke with well established norms and networks: “We consider it important that the British and Indian tradition in the Iraqi Police should be preserved as long as possible.” But in the end, it was a British air force officer who had “recently attended a course at the Army Gas School in England” and an officer from the American Military Attache “who knows something about tear gas”  who were arranged to train the Iraqi police in matters of chemical warfare. 

The correspondence ends there, but Hanna Batatu offers a postscript in the form of a prison revolt. It is clear that by June of 1953, at least, the Iraqi police had figured out how to use the tear gas. That month, communists imprisoned in the Baghdad citadel were going to be taken out of the city to Ba‘qubah, for the Baghdadi prison “was found to offer too many opportunities for clandestine communication with the underground.” Fearing transfer to Nurqat al-Salman, a remote fortress in the middle of the Southern Desert,

the prisoners refused to move and, according to the chief of police of Baghdad province, shut themselves in the wards, turning into a weapon everything they could lay their hands on—bottles, water pipes, kitchen utensils, and bricks that they plucked up from the corridors. Detachments of mobile and local police rushed to the scene and took up positions on roof tops, in the prison yard, and the adjacent streets. They began by using tear gas in the hope of forcing the Communists out, but to no avail. Streams of water next directed at the wards from a fire fighting engine, but the Communists answered only with antigovernment cries that now rang sharply and persistently through the prison. Eventually, however, under the pressure of water and the battering of the police and the wardens, the gate gave way. A shower of bricks and bottled held the assailants in check, but only momentarily. Reinforced, they hurled forward, cutting their way with clubs or the buts of rifles. But, on the official version, the resistance that they met was so furious that they had in the end to open fire. Seven prisoners were killed, including Ismail Ahmad, a candidate member of the Center Committee in the time of Fahd [Yusuf Salman Yusuf, first secretary of the Iraqi Communist Party], and Hadi Abu-ur-Rida, a liaison official of the Communist party center in 1948. Eighty-one others were wounded, one of whom subsequently died in hospital. Seventy-four policemen and warders suffered injuries.³




All quotations of the British correspondence are from:  "Pol Ext 6453/49 Tear-gas expert for Iraqi police: suggested appointment of Pakistani officer," British Library: India Office Records and Private Papers, IOR/L/PS/12/1384, in Qatar Digital Library https://www.qdl.qa/archive/81055/vdc_100000000517.0x00034b

¹.  Anna Feigenbaum, Tear Gas: From the Battlefields of WW1 to the Streets of Today (London: Verso, 2017).

². In the years to come, the travel of American counterinsurgency methods, materials, and experts between the colonized world and the urban United States, would become a regular practice. See: Tracy Tullis, “A Vietnam at Home: Policing the Ghettos in the Counterinsurgency Era,” (PhD Diss., New York University, 1999); Mico Seigel, “Objects of Police History,” Journal of American History, 102:1 (June 2015), pp. 152–161; Stuart Schrader, “To Secure the Global Great Society: Participation in Pacification,” Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development 7:2 (Summer 2016), pp. 225-253.

            3. Hanna Batatu, The Old Social Classes and the Revolutionary Movements of Iraq: A Study of Iraq's Old Landed and Commercial Classes and of Its Communists, Ba'thists, and Free Officers (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), 691-692.  

EDMUND WILSON IN IMPERIAL SAN DIEGO (1931)



"Hotel del Coronado guests watching sailors landing on the beach in front of the hotel" c. 1917. Via the San Diego History Center.

The Coronado Beach Hotel was built by the California millionaire John Spreckels and opened in 1887. Spreckels had made his money in Hawaiian sugar, and in 1887 the United States signed a treaty with the Hawaiian king—a treaty which guaranteed to the Americans exclusive use of the harbor at Honolulu.
In the same year the first vestibule train was put on the tracks by George Pullman and the revolt of the Apaches under Geronimo, the last attempt of the Indians to assert their independence, had been put down by the government and the Apaches penned up in a reservation; the American Federation of Labor had just been founded, Kansas and Nebraska were parching with a drought and Henry George had just run for mayor of New York and had been beaten only with difficulty by a coalition against him of the other parties; Grover Cleveland was in the middle of his first term and threw the capitalists into consternation by denouncing the protective tariff, and an Interstate Commerce Act designed to curb the rapacity of the railroads was being put through by the small businessmen and farmers; inquiries into the practices of the trusts were being gotten under way in Congress, and the Standard Oil Company, entering the drilling and pumping field, was embarked on the final stage of its triumph; and Edward Bellamy had amazing success with his socialist novel, "Looking Backward," which prefigured an industrial Utopia.
The Coronado Beach Hotel must represent the ultimate satisfaction of the dreams of the architects of the eighties. It is the most magnificent example extant of the American seaside hotel as it flourished in that era on both coasts; and it still has its beauty as well as its magnificence. White and ornate as a wedding-cake, clean, polished and trim as a ship, it makes a monument not unworthy to dominate the last blue concave dent in the shoreline before the United States gives way to Mexico.

"Spreckels Sugar Mill, Spreckelsville, Hawaii" 1890. Via the Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division.

The bottom layer of an enormous rotunda, white and slit all around with long close windows like one of those spinning toys that make strips of figures seem to move, is surmounted, muffled and almost smothered by a sort of immense bonnet. This bonnet involves a red roof, a second layer of smaller windows and a broad red cone like an inverted pegtop; and the cone itself involves two rows of little peeping blinking dormers and an observation tower with a white railing, partly extinguished by a red cone of its own, from which on a tall white flagpole flies an American flag. Behind this, extends the main body of the hotel, a lovely delirium of superb conical red cupolas; red roofs with little white-lace crenellations; a fine white cloth-like texture of shingles; little steep flights of outside stairs and little outside galleries with pillars, white as the drip of wedding-cake icing; and a wealth of felicitous protrusive dormers like the irregular natural budding of a sea-hydra.
At the foot of the steps of the principal entrance, brass compass-points are inlaid in the pavement; and there are brass edges to the broad white stairs that lead up, between white lathe-turned banister-rungs, to white doors with polished brass handles and screens with thin brass rods.
The hotel is built around a large quadrangle, admirably planted and beautifully gardened: against grass kept tender and vivid green by slowly revolving sprays, a fine harmony of magenta begonias, vermilion salvia, crimson coxcomb, bouquet-like bushes of rose-red hibiscus and immense clumps of purple bougainvillea climbing the stems of tall trimmed palms which stand in mounds of green fern or myrtle. The trees are carefully labelled with Latin names, as in a botanical garden. In the middle is a low polygonal summerhouse, vine-embowered and covered with rough bark, inside which a boy chalks up on a blackboard the latest stockmarket quotations, while interested male guests of the hotel sit and watch them in silence.
This courtyard has real dignity and brilliance: with its five tiers of white-railinged porches like decks, its long steep flights of steps like companionways, its red ladders and brass- tipped fire-hose wound on red-wheeled carts around corners, the slight endearing list of its warped floors and the thin wood pillars that rise at the bottom from smooth flagstones level with the ground, it manages to suggest both an ocean liner and the portico of a colonial mansion. As you look out from one of the higher galleries at the green tops of the exotic tame palms and the little red ventilators spinning in the sun, you feel that you can still enjoy here the last moment before the power of American money, swollen though it was with sudden growth, had finally turned its back altogether on the more human habits and tastes of the old non-mechanical world.
In the lobby you walk as on turf in the thickest softest red carpeting ever stepped on. There are wicker chairs; soft plush couches; panels of greenish-bluish tapestries where noble ladies with round pulpy faces take their pleasance in Elysian boskage; hooks with sheets of stockmarket quotations at the top of the stairs going down to the barbershop; and a masterpiece of interior ornament, elaborate and not easily named, but combining mirrors covered with yellow curlicues, yellow- varnished rows of banister-rungs and a stained-glass window of red poinsettias.
In the spacious, round and many-windowed dining-room, where yellow-shaded candles light white tables, old respectable ladies and gentlemen eat interminable American-plan meals. After dinner, they sit on couches and talk quietly or they quietly play cards in the card-room.
You can wander through long suites of apartments—by way of darkish unlivable in-between chambers with closed- up grates, glossy mahogany mantelpieces and twin vases cold as funeral urns.
In the rotunda you come upon a convention of the California Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs. (The General Federation of Women's Clubs was organized about two years after the opening of the Coronado Beach Hotel.) The business and professional women are fussing on the outskirts of the ballroom: "I've just seen Mildred and she hasn't done anything about the corsages yet! Do you think we ought to give them to all the officers or just to the incoming ones?" And in a conclave under hanging electric lamps in the shape of enormous coroners they are solemnly reading aloud and debating proposed amendments to innumerable by-laws.
Sometimes the chambers of the vast hotel resound to a chorus of women's voices, deliberate, school-girlish, insipid. They have composed an anthem to the tune of "John Brown's Body" on the subject of a fund they are trying to raise:
Twenty thousand dollars by nineteen thirty-four!
Twenty thousand dollars by nineteen thirty-four!
Twenty thousand dollars by nineteen thirty-four!
Our fund is marching on!
Glory, Glory, Hallelujah!
Glory, Glory, Hallelujah!
Glory, Glory, Hallelujah!
Our fund is marching on!
The business and professional women are not quite sure what they are going to do with the $20,000 when they have raised it; but they have arranged for a speaking contest at which a speaker from each district will be given three minutes to offer suggestions on "How can the income of $20,000 be used to the greatest advantage of the Federation?"

***

The new hotel at Agua Caliente across the border, where people go to see the Mexican races, has taken a good deal of the trade away from the Coronado Beach Hotel; but people still come from all over the country to San Diego across the bay.
The Americans still tend to move westward and many drift southward toward the sun. San Diego is the extreme southwest town of the United States; and since our real west-ward expansion has come to a standstill, it has become a veritable jumping-off place. On the West coast to-day the suicide rate is twice that of the Middle Atlantic coast, and since 1911 the suicide rate of San Diego has been the highest in the United States. Between January, 1911, and January, 1927, over five hundred people killed themselves here. The population in 1930 was only about 148,000, having doubled since 1920.
For one thing, a great many sick people come here. The rate of sickness in San Diego is 24 percent of the population whereas for the population of the whole country the sick-rate is only 6 per cent. The climate of Southern California, so widely advertised by Chambers of Commerce and Southern California Clubs but probably rather unhealthy with its tepid and enervating days and its nights that get suddenly cold, brings invalids to San Diego by the thousand. If they have money to move about and have failed to improve in the other health centres, the doctors send them to San Diego as a last resort, and it is not uncommon for patients to expire immediately on being unloaded from the train. Furthermore, the victims of "ideational" diseases like asthma—diseases which are partly psychological—have a tendency to keep moving away from places under the illusion that they are leaving the disease behind. And when they finally get to San Diego, they find that they are cornered, there is nowhere else to go. According to the psychoanalysts, the idea of the setting sun suggests to them the idea of death. At any rate, of the five- hundred-odd suicides during the period of fifteen years mentioned above, 70 percent were put down to "despondency and depression over chronic ill health."
Then there are the people who do not fit in, in the conventional American communities from which they come, and who have heard that life is freer and more relaxed in San Diego. There at last their special psychological bents or their eccentric sexual tastes, will be recognized, allowed latitude. It is certain that many such people in San Diego find the company they are looking for; but if they fail to, if they still seem different from other people and unable to accept life on the same terms, they may get discouraged and decide to resign. And then there are the people who have done something they are ashamed of or something which would disgrace them in the eyes of their friends in the places where they previously lived: San Diego is not quite large enough so that the people of any of the better-off or middle-class social groups don't all know each other and follow each other's doings with the attentive interest of people in a small town. If your scandal overtakes you and breaks, your whole circle hears about it; and if you are sensitive, you may prefer death. And then there are the people who are actually wanted by the police. This September, the city is being searched for a gangster from New York who in a beer-war turned a machine-gun on some children. California has been a hide-away for gangsters in trouble in other parts of the country ever since Al Capone came here.
Then there are the people who haven't much money and who have been told that San Diego is cheap, but who find that it is not so cheap as they had supposed. Then there are the girls (married young in this part of the world), deserted by husbands or lovers, and the sailors and naval officers who have had enough of the service.
Since the depression, the rate seems to have increased. In 1926 there were fifty-seven suicides in San Diego. During nine months of 1930, there were seventy-one, and between the beginning of the January and the end of the July of 1931 there have already been thirty-six. Three of these latter are set down in the coroner's record as due to "no work or money"; two to "no work"; one to "ill health, family troubles and no work"; two to "despondency over financial worries"; one to "financial worry and illness"; one to "health and failure to collect"; and one to "rent due him from tenants." The doctors say that some of the old people who have been sent out here by their relations but whose source of income has recently been cut off, kill themselves from pride rather than go to the poorhouse.
These coroner's records in San Diego are melancholy reading. You seem to see the last blind feeble futile effervescence of the great burst of the American adventure. Here this people, so long told to "go West" to escape from poverty, ill health, maladjustment, industrialism and oppression, discover that, having come West, their problems and diseases still remain and that there is no further to go. Among the sand-colored power plants and hotels, the naval outfitters and waterside cafes, the old spread-roofed California houses with their fine close grain of gray or yellow clapboards—they come to the end of their resources in the empty California sun. Brokers and bankers, architects and citrus ranchers, farmers, housewives, building contractors, salesmen of groceries and real estate, proprietors of poolrooms, music stores and hotels, marines and supply-corps lieutenants, molders, machinists, oil-well drillers, auto mechanics, carpenters, tailors, soft-drink merchants, cooks and barbers, teamsters, stage drivers, longshoremen, laborers—mostly Anglo-Saxon whites, though with a certain number of Danes, Swedes and Germans and a sprinkling of Chinese, Japanese, Mexicans, Negroes, Indians and Filipinos—ill, retired or down on their luck—they stuff up the cracks of their doors in the little boarding-houses that take in invalids, and turn on the gas; they go into their back sheds or back kitchens and swallow Lysol or eat ant-paste; they drive their cars into dark alleys and shoot themselves in the back seat; they hang themselves in hotel bedrooms, take overdoses of sulphonal or barbital, stab themselves with carving-knives on the municipal golf- course; or they throw themselves into the placid blue bay, where the gray battleships and cruisers of the government guard the limits of their enormous nation—already reaching out in the eighties for the sugar plantations of Honolulu.


Edmund Wilson, American Jitters: A Year of the Slump (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1932), 253-260. The essay was originally published in The New Republic (December 23, 1931), 156-157. For an excellent reading of this text that places it in the context of Wilson’s career and American modernism, see: Benjamin Balthaser,  Anti-Imperialist Modernism: Race and Transnational Radical Culture from the Great Depression to the Cold War (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2016), 18-20.