Race and Class at Sea

"A flotilla of steamships sailing under the flags of several nations" (1901). Via the Library of Congress.

There were no days off. If you took a day off you were logged for four. One trip in Havana only two of my 18 galley helpers showed up for the evening meal and three of us had to prepare dinner for the passengers. There was only one problem we didn’t have—insufficient stores. Five large freezers were jammed to the bursting point with fresh meats and vegetables and the steward, fully aware that the crew would steal whatever was not delivered to the table, allowed us to feed well. But nine hours a day in a crowded, steaming galley, seven days a week, month in, month out, is work indeed. I never fried an egg or flipped a pancake without wondering “What in hell am I doing here?” One can’t work this way in a militant atmosphere without wondering about the meaning of work, exploitation, and the future—especially when one is 52! 


There were two other conditions on the Polk that aroused my political and social consciousness—the route we traveled and the character of the passengers. The Polk was on a round-the-world schedule, putting into 20 or more ports in more than a dozen countries, territories, and possessions. Usually the tourists, ashore only for the day, headed for the fanciest hotel or shopping district. At our first stop, Havana, they set course straight for the Nacional or Sloppy Joe’s, and spent most of the day in an air-conditioned bar, with, maybe, a daring sortie or two to buy a piece of lace, straw hat, or a bauble. The following day at sea they could be heard “analyzing” the problems of Cuba—the workers were lazy and filthy, the weather was too hot, prices too high, and Cuba was lucky America had taken such an interest in it—otherwise it would be worse off! They learned nothing of this island’s dictatorship which had been completely taken over by American sugar interests; its once rich, multicrop land converted into a one-crop estate which could employ the workers only a few months of the year. An Englishman could have formed equally valid views of America from a day in the Waldorf-Astoria bar!


… Few of the Polk passengers gave any thought to the problems of war or peace. That Korea had been enslaved by the Japanese since 1905, that Japanese armies had already occupied large parts of China, that its military machine had moved into the islands of the South Pacific, almost none knew or cared—they were interested only in the “quaint charm” of Japan, a ricksha tour of the parks and gardens, a visit to the Ginza for bargains, and finally, for no trip would have been complete without it, a visit to Tokyo’s Yoshiwara or Yokohama’s Homoku sections, where numbered 15-year-old prostitutes were exhibited in store windows and could be “ordered” by number for four yen the whole night! This was “doing” Japan. 


By contrast it is well to point out that by 1939 the seamen and West Coast longshoremen had already declared their own strict embargo against the shipment of scrap iron and oil to Japan, while the rest of the world was blithely trading with the aggressor. The bombs that rained over Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, were, in a very real way, our own steel chickens coming home to roost. 


— Hugh Mulzac, A Star to Steer by: As Told to Louis Burnham and Norval Welch (New York: International Publishers, 1963), 121-123. 


The boat wound through the Red Sea showing us the coast of Arabia one side and East Africa on the other. Then I remembered the visit of the Queen of Sheba to the court of the Hebrew king Soloman and also of the commercial and cultural relations of India with Mespotmaia and Egypt through the ages. A young Marathi student was proceeding to Enlgland hoping to compete for the I.C.S. and he began to squeeze something every day from me about Indian history and culture. On September 4, while we were studying together, some Indian Khalasis came with pathetic faces to tell us that a middle-aged Muslim stoker had suddenly died of heat-stroke, and far away from his relatives and friends he was given a sea-burial before our eyes. While such brave but poor Indians were dying by thousands unknown and unwept by their countrymen while serving as galley-slaves, some of the Indian students proceeding to England with us were behaving like real spoiled brats. Their parents must have provided them with fat bank balances and they appeared to be bent on specialising in the art of dressing and spending lavishly. Some of them showed an atrocious temper born of pride, for I was shocked to find two well-dressed Indian students suddenly begin fighting with each other after a short altercation on deck. It was a perfect scandal, making the Indian youths the laughing stock of other passengers. We rushed, however, to stop the fight but it took two full days for their vile tempers to cool down. On September 6, our boat would enter the Suez Canal after dinner and so the first class passengers were entertained to a fancy-dress ball with dances to the accompaniment of war tunes till the boat reached the mouth of the Suez Canal at midnight. 


— Kalidas Nag, Memoirs: Volume One, 1891-1921 (Calcutta: Writers Workshop, 1991), 88.


"United States Warship 'Intrepid': Passing through the Canal—not so long ago." Via New Middle East (January 1969).  

The previous year King Farouk, loyal to the west, had been overthrown and a new revolutionary government of Egypt led by President Naguib had taken over. Within the temporary government, Gamal Abdel Nasser was already a strong force. There were disputes simmering about the control and use of the Suez Canal. The bitterness in Anglo-Egyptian relations was already quite strong, though it would not burst into open warfare until three years later. 


So there was some tension as we waited on board, hoping that the Egyptian officers would soon come, as they eventually did, all neatly dressed in well-starched white uniforms. We passengers had formed a long queue from the deck that gave access to the shore, right to the top of the ship. I was sandwiched between two groups of rather loud men talking about the lethargy and other failings of Egyptians, and the gullibility of Egypt-loving Englishmen such as T.E. Lawrence and the archaeologist Leonard Woolley. 


An Egyptian officer came up the steps, stopped and looked at me, and asked where I was from. When I told him that I was from India, he took me straight down off the ship to the line of waiting buses, to join a cluster of people of colour (to use a modern term not then in use) who were getting into them. This was the only occasion in my whole life when my Indian citizenship resulted in favourable treatment at a border control. Since I still have only Indian citizenship, I am very used to standing in long queues at passport checkpoints, answering questions about whether I might be tempted to stay in whatever country it is I am passing through. I did not know how unusual this episode of favoured treatment would be. 


— Amartya Sen, Home in the World: A Memoir (New York: Liveright, 2022), 248-249. 


We had no idea, in any case, that for the next four or five years our little group would constitute with a few rare exceptions the entire complement of first-class passengers on the Compagnie des Transports Maritimes passenger-and-cargo steamers which plied between France and South America. We had a choice of either second-class on the only luxury-liner which worked this route, or first-class on the humbler sort of vessel. The intriguers went by luxury-liner, paid the difference out of their own pockets, and hoped by so doing to rub shoulders with an Ambassador or two and in some way profit thereby. We others chose the bateau mixte; it took six days longer, but we were its masters and, what is more, it made many stops en route. 


How I wish today that I had realized twenty years ago the full value of what we were given! The unbelievable luxury, that is to say: the royal privilege of sharing with eight or ten others exclusive rights over the first-class deck, cabins, smoking-room, and dining-room on a ship built to carry a hundred or a hundred and fifty passengers. We were nineteen days at sea; our province was rendered almost illimitable by the lack of other passengers; our appanage went everywhere with us. After our second or third crossing we came back to our ships, our own way of life; and we knew by name, even before we got aboard, those sterling stewards from Marseilles, with their moustaches and their heavy-soled shoes, who overpowered us with their garlicky smell as they bent over us with suprêmes de poularde or filet de turbot. The meals, planned in any case on a Rabelaisian scale, became even more so from the fact that there were so few of us to sit down to them. 


That one civilization is ending and another beginning; that our world has suddenly found itself to be too small for the people who live in it: these are facts which became real to me, not because of figures or statistics or revolutions but because I happened, a few weeks ago, to make a certain telephone call. I had been playing with the idea of retrieving my youth by a return visit, after fifteen years, to Brazil. The answer was that I should need to book my cabin four months in advance.


And I had imagined that, since the establishment of regular air-services between France and South America, the sea route was the preserve of a few eccentrics! It is, alas, a mistake to suppose that because one element has been invaded the other has been set free.


But in between the marvellous voyages of 1935 or thereabouts and the one to which I returned an immediate “No” there was one, in 1941, which was charged with symbolic meaning for the years to come. Shortly after the armistice I was invited to the New School for Social Research in New York. (This I owed in part to the friendly interest which had been taken in my work by Robert H. Lowie and Alfred Metraux, in part to the vigilance of relations of mine long settled in the U.S.A., and, finally, to the Rockefeller Foundation s scheme for the rescue of European scholars who might find themselves menaced by the German occupation.) The problem was: how to get there? My first idea was that I should pretend to be returning to Brazil in order to continue my pre-war research there. I went to the ground-floor rooms in Vichy, where the Brazilian Embassy had set up its temporary home, and asked to have my visa renewed. The interview was cruelly brief. I was well known to the Ambassador, Luis de Souza-Dantas, and he would, in any case, have behaved in the same way had I not known him. He was just raising his hand to stamp my passport when one of his staff reminded him, in tones of chilling respect, that under the new regulations he could no longer renew visas. For several seconds his arm remained poised, and there was a look almost of entreaty in his eyes as he tried to make his junior turn aside for a moment. My passport once stamped, I could at least have left France, even if I could not get into Brazil. But he wouldn’t; and at length the Ambassador had to let fall his hand wide of my passport. No visa for me; he handed me back my passport with a gesture of distress.


… but I saw myself as marked down for a concentration camp. Moreover, I had spent the previous two years, first in the virgin forests of Brazil, and later in one improvised billet after another in the course of a disorderly retreat that had taken me from the Maginot Line to Beziers by way of the Sarthe, the Correze, and the Aveyron: cattle-trains on the one hand and sheepfolds on the other: so that my interlocutor s scruples seemed to me out of place. I saw myself going back to my wandering life but on the oceans this time, sharing the labours and die frugal repasts of a handful of seamen, sailing hither and yon on a clandestine vessel, sleeping on deck, and gaining in health and strength from the day-long nearness of the sea. 


I did at last get a ticket for the Capitaine Paul Lemerle. When the time came to embark the quayside was cordoned off. Helmeted gardes-mobiles, with automatic pistols at the ready, severed all contact between passengers and the relatives or friends who had come to see them off. Good-byes were cut short by a blow or a curse. This was not the solitary adventure I had had in mind; it was more like the departure of a convict-ship.


— Claude Lévi-Strauss, Tristes Tropiques, Translated by John Russel, (New York: Criterion Books, 1961 [1955]), 23-25. 


No Palestinians Involved: An Open Letter to My Colleagues

Palestine Exploration Fund map (1876). Via Palestine Open Maps.

Dear colleagues, 

Since the new Dan David Prize has arrived on the shores of Lake Ontario, I think it’s prudent to think about why and how. 

The Dan David Prize is hosted by Tel Aviv University. From its inception in 2001 until 2021, the prize was reserved for well-established scholars and artists, three prizes of $1 million each were awarded annually according to a theme (in 2014, the medical school’s Peter St George-Hyslop received the prize). In the last two years, the format has changed. Now 9 junior scholars (no more than 15 years beyond their PhD) working in the “historical disciplines” (historians, art historians, archaeologists and the like) are awarded $300,000 each through an open nomination process. This shift is undoubtedly linked to the historian Catherine Hall’s public refusal of the prize in 2016. What junior scholar, Palestinians be damned, can refuse 300,000 U.S. dollars? 

A new academic advisor position was established and a major PR firm, New York’s DKC, was hired by the Prize, which was rechristened “the largest history prize in the world.” The firm has done its job well. Last year the Washington Post dubbed the previously obscure prize a “MacArthur-style ‘genius grant’ for history.” This year, whoever runs the American filmmaker Ken Burn’s Twitter account is busy publicizing the prize. University PR offices of course need no outside incentive to publicize their faculty's awards, so breathless press releases streamed out in an efficient manner from all the awardees' institutions. 

The annual selection committee of 9 scholars is now also widely publicized after the prize’s announcement, their affiliations and visages listed on the Dan David website and posted to their social media with flashy graphics. So each year now, 18 scholars of history are enlisted in a PR project hosted by Tel Aviv University and Israel. Three members of the 10-member board of the foundation are affiliated with Tel Aviv University, including the current president, a former one (Itamar Rabinovich), and a historian. 

Tel Aviv University's campus was constructed on the site of the Palestinian village Sheikh Muwannis. Today, you can host a wedding at the renovated “Green House,” as it’s called, one of the village's only remaining structures. If you look across the street from the house’s rooftop patio, you’ll see the brutalist edifice of the Institute for National Security Studies. Gaze towards your north, you’ll see the buildings of the Engineering faculty. More pressing than the past however—the Dan David Prize after all “celebrates scholars and practitioners whose work illuminates the human past and can enrich public discourse with a deeper understanding of history”—is the future. Tel Aviv University, especially its engineers, information technologists, and Orientalists, is tightly enmeshed in the war-making and intelligence-gathering apparatus of the State of Israel. Its faculty and students collaborate in an official capacity, to give one pressing example, with Elbit Systems, the most high-tech and wide-reaching weapons manufacturer in Israel, producer of the drones which terrorize Palestinians on a daily basis. Needless to say, the University like all academic and cultural institutions in Israel, is the subject of an international boycott. 

Last year, on the same day that the Palestinian journalist Shireen Abu Akleh was murdered by an Israeli sniper in Jenin, the Dan David Prize winners were paraded on stage in an extravagant ceremony just fifty miles west on the grounds of Tel Aviv University. 

The Dan David Prize, like the Jerusalem Prize before it, serves to legitimize Israel’s presence on the global stage. In 2001, Edward Said wrote to Susan Sontag, explaining what her acceptance of the Jerusalem Prize entailed: “your charismatic presence for the Prize and your acceptance of it is, for the Israeli government, a badly needed boost to its poor international standing, a symbol that the greatest talents in the end subscribe to what Israel is doing.”


I am
Sincerely yours, 

Esmat Elhalaby 
Assistant Professor, History 

March 2023

Read

Hamed Owais, "Dr Mostafa Sweif" (1961).

Read, read, read. Read till your eyes swim; get yourselves right, hold meetings, keep on holding them. To aim high and far is not the problem, for that is not what distinguishes those who accomplish. It is the planning, the organisation, the attention to detail, the tenacity that count. 


— C.L.R. James (1956) 



You gotta study the Qu'ran, Torah, Bhagavad Gita The Bible, Five Baskets of Buddha Zen


And when you've read them shits, read them shits again! But watch what you're repeatin


If you don't know the history of the author You don't know what you're reading!


— KRS-One (1992) 



Syllabus: Making the Global South (2023)

Zarina Hashmi, "Rohingyas: Floating on the Dark Sea," 2015.

The syllabus below is for a new upper-division undergraduate course that I begin teaching this week. The topic is obviously quite broad, and I don't pretend to be comprehensive. The logic of the course is explained below. Readings are mostly linked if you wish to do the readings yourself.


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W. E. B. Du Bois, The Georgia Negro: A Social Study (1900) 


Through the study of texts, films, and images this course considers the making of the global south in two ways. First, how the global south was made from above. That is to say, the history of those conditions and patterns of thought that made the global south distinct from the north. This first task necessarily requires attention to the material and rhetorical production of the global south’s  antecedents: darker and lesser peoples, the uncivilized world, the orient, the jungle, the third world, the developing world, and so on. We will read primary sources by imperial thinkers and works of history,  political economy, anthropology and geography in order to think through the production of the global south. Secondly, this class will consider how the global south was made from below. How were these conditions of inequality and exploitation resisted? How were categories of inferiority rethought, how did the third world become a significant geography that animated social movements, political theory, and poetry?


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Week 1. Intro: The Global South from Above and Below (January 12)


Part 1. Making the World South 


Week 2. An Unequal Geography (January 19)

  1. Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (1972), 75-91. [PDF]  

  2. Janet Abu-Lughod, “Discontinuities and Persistence:  One  World  System or a Succession  of Systems?” (1993). 278-291. [PDF]

  3. Mike Davis, Late Victorian Holocausts: El Niño Famines and the Making of the Third World (2000), 279-310. [PDF]


Week 3. Capital and Labor (January 26) 

  1. Andrew Liu, Tea War: A History of Capitalism in China and India (2020), 45-80. [PDF] 

  2. Zach Sell, Trouble of the World: Slavery and Empire in the Age of Capital (2021), 87-116. [PDF]


Week 4. History and Empire (February 2) 

  1. Uma Chakravarti, “Whatever Happened to the Vedic Dasi? Orientalism, Nationalism and a Script for the Past,” (1989), 27-87. [PDF]

  2. Satish Chandra, "A Note On the Decentring of History and Apprehension By All People of Their History," (1972), 92-109. [PDF]


Week 5 Race and Science (February 9) 

  1. Sadiah Qureshi, Peoples on Parade: Exhibitions, Empire, and Anthropology in Nineteenth-Century Britain (2011), 185-220. [PDF]

  1. Edward Said, “The Intellectual Origins of Imperialism and Zionism,” (1977), 47-52. [PDF]


From David Northrup, Indentured Labor in the Age of Imperialism, 1834–1922 (1995)

Part 2: Rebellion and Movement


Week 6 The Haitian Revolution (February 16) 

  1. CLR James, The Black Jacobins (1938), 3-26; 85-117. [PDF] 


Week 7 Prisoners and Rebels (March 2) 

  1. Christina Heatherton, Arise! Global Radicalism in the Era of the Mexican Revolution (2022), 21-46. [PDF]

  2. Anand Yang, Empire of Convicts: Indian Penal Labor in Colonial Southeast Asia (2021) 11-48. [PDF]


Week 8 Pan-Asianism/Pan-Africanism and Empire (March 9) 

  1. Selections from the African Times and Orient Review [Library of Congress]


Young India (January 1919).


Part 3: Remaking the World South 


Week 9 Nationalist Collaboration (March 16) 

  1. Selections from the Proceedings of the All Asian Women's Conference, Lahore (1931). [PDF]

  2. Madhavi Thampi, “Indian Political Activism in Republican China,” (2021), 329-349. [PDF]


Week 10 An International? (March 23) 

  1. V.I. Lenin, “Draft Theses on National and Colonial Questions” (1920) [Marxists Internet Archive] 

  2. M.N. Roy, “Supplementary Theses On The National And Colonial Question” (1920) [Marxists Internet Archive] 

  3. George Padmore, Pan-Africanism or Communism (1956), 289-332;363-379. [PDF] 


Week 11 Afro-Asia (March 30) 

  1. Selections from Asia-Africa Speaks from Bandung (1955) 

  2. Samera Esmier, “Bandung: Reflections on the Sea, the World, and Colonialism” (2017), 81-94. [PDF]  


Week 12 The Third World (April 6) 

  1. Selections from Irwin Silber, ed., Voices of National Liberation (1970) [Internet Archive (non-Marxist)]

  2. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (1961), 148-205. [PDF]



Capital and Empire in Africa (Dispatch from Lisbon)

The Padrão dos Descobrimentos and the Jardim Botânico Tropical in Belém, Lisbon (2022)

The spirit of inquiry of the Portuguese in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries has imparted a distinct geographical flavour to the records of Portuguese activity in Africa in that era. Indeed, whatever short-comings those records possess must be attributed to the Portuguese preoccupation with the gathering of geographical data, to the exclusion of much else. As the Portuguese moved south along the west coast of Africa, their main concern was the preparation of navigational aids, necessitating a close attention to detail. Frequent soundings were made off the coast and in the rivers, and wind and weather conditions scrupulously noted. In 1634, the Conselho da Fazenda approved the payment of a pension to Miguel Albernas, who had been in their service as a cartographer on the Upper Guinea Coast.” The result of his work, like the work of so many others relating to Asia and Africa, must have been known only to the Portuguese authorities, since it was the policy to keep such information out of the hands of rivals.


Fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Portuguese roteiros, or charts, in spite of their limited objectives, are extremely useful introductions to the geography and the history of the Upper Guinea Coast. More substantial information followed later as European commercial activities intensified and forced them to look more closely at the land from which they hoped to reap a profit. Sierra Leone was particularly favoured, since inquiries were conducted with a view to Portuguese colonization in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Towards the end of the eighteenth century, English and French colonization projects generated similar interest. On the basis of such evidence, and with some recourse to more recent and more scientific studies, one can construct a tolerably accurate geography of the region between the Gambia and Cape Mount, which is the region described by the term ‘Upper Guinea Coast’ in this study... 


**** 


Together with the Senegambia, the Upper Guinea Coast was being exploited for slaves in the 1460s, even before the southern sections of the West African coast had been charted by the Portuguese. Four hundred years later, the Atlantic slave trade was still being prosecuted in the area. Over this span of centuries, the Upper Guinea Coast was involved in all the phases of the slave trade. It supplied Europe, the mines of Central and South America, and the plantations of the Caribbean and North America. In the late eighteenth century, it was Sierra Leone that was chosen as the site for the first settlement of freed slaves in West Africa; yet in spite of this memorial to freedom, and in spite of the British Navy, the slavers were still present in the neighbouring estuaries and rias until the second half of the nineteenth century. Thus, though the Upper Guinea Coast was not as notorious and unfortunate as Angola and the Bight, it is in many ways a classic region for the study of the Atlantic slave trade.


Fifty years after these shores had been seen by the Portuguese, the latter were shipping abroad, ‘when the trade of the country was well ordered’, more than 3,500 Africans every year. Captives taken were mainly destined for the nearby Cape Verde islands and the Iberian peninsula, with Madeira and the Canary Islands providing secondary markets. Sometimes captives from this section of the coast were procured by passing ships and became galley slaves—as, for example, in 1504, when the East Indies fleet of Alfonso de Albuquerque obtained seventy Negroes at Santiago.” This may also have applied to ships bound for the Americas. The Cape Verde islands were situated on the route of the sailing vessels proceeding from Portugal to Brazil, and it is not unlikely that small numbers of Africans from Upper Guinea were carried as slaves to Brazil at an early date.


It was the Spanish market which held out the greatest prospects. After the famous pleas of Las Casas, Charles V granted to a courtier the right to furnish 4,000 slaves to the Antilles, and the deal was eventually carried through by Genoese merchants, who made their purchases in Lisbon. A great portion of these slaves were obtained through Cape Verde enterprise. In 1512 a royal edict had declared that all Guinea slaves should go directly to Lisbon. The Cape Verdeans protested that in that event no ships from Madeira, the Azores, the Canaries, or Spain would visit the Cape Verde islands,” and they may have broken this strict provision. In any event, many of the slaves on the Lisbon market would have been acquired on the Upper Guinea Coast and in the Senegambia. Indirectly, therefore, Upper Guinea was in touch with the market in the Spanish Indies since the second decade of the sixteenth century. By the second half of that century, the Spanish Indies had become the principal destination of captives from this area...


****


In 1755 the captain-major of Cacheu reported aggrievedly that an English ship from Barbados had gone straight up to Zeguichor on the river Casamance without a pilot—something which no Portuguese captain had ever done. This was truly symbolic, because it was in the sphere of navigation that Portugal had led the world in the fifteenth century. But the financial infrastructure of European mercantilism and nascent industrial capitalism was never developed within the Iberian peninsula, so that the profits of Iberian expansion ultimately flowed to banking, commercial, and manufacturing centres outside of Portugal and Spain. With pretensions to a monopoly of world trade completely shattered by the seventeenth century, Portugal became a depressed area of the Western European economy.


Of course capitalism, even in the days of chauvinist mercantilism, was already an international phenomenon; and all Western European states displayed a great degree of interdependence in buying, selling, and transporting goods intended for Africa. However, Portugal’s relationship was one of dependency rather than equality. Joao Barreto stresses Portugal’s weakness as an apologia for that country’s responsibility in the Atlantic slave trade. His argument is that Portugal’s moral blameworthiness should be proportionate to the small profits they reaped. He says:


It is curious to note that the economy of Portugal was the one which profited least from the slave trade. In the first place, the national mercantile fleet was very limited; the majority of the ships which, since the sixteenth century, were used to carry slaves from the African coast being foreign, and no gain accrued to Portugal. . . . In the second place, Portugal did not produce the articles which the slavers made use of in their transactions with the peoples of Africa: cotton cloths, trumpery, beads, mirrors, iron, etc. 


Moral sophistry aside, he is substantially correct. 


Walter Rodney, A History of the Upper Guinea Coast 1545-1800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970), 1-2; 95-96; 242-243. A revision of his doctoral dissertation completed in 1966 at SOAS based upon work in the Portuguese, Spanish, Italian and British Archives, Rodney’s first book is a great work of historical research and writing. Reflecting on his reliance on European sources from his post in Dar es Salam, Rodney wrote that “stumbling over such barriers is an occupational hazard for those who seek to reconstruct the history not only of Africa’s peoples but also of all the voiceless millions who worked and died.” “My debt,” he wrote in the preface to his book, “is greatest to the irredentist masses of the British Caribbean, who provided inspiration and finances (via the University of the West Indies).” He ended his preface with a philosophy of history: “I have sought to ensure that the integrity of the evidence was respected at all times, for this has always been demanded from those who practise the writing of history. Beyond that, the interpreter is himself nothing but a spokesman for historical forces.” 

Capital and Empire in Asia (Dispatch from Lisbon)

The Padrão dos Descobrimentos and the Jardim Botânico Tropical in Belém, Lisbon (2022)
 

Though [Pedro Alvarez] Cabral had sailed away, the Portuguese had not abandoned the Indian Ocean. On the contrary, Dom Manoel assumed for himself the title of ‘The Lord of the Navigation, Conquest and Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia and India’ and fitted out an even stronger expedition with orders to enforce his claim to the supremacy of the Indian seas. It was Vasco da Gama himself who was appointed captain-major of this fleet. The fleet consisted of fifteen ships of which six were larger and more powerfully equipped than those which had previously arrived in the Indian sea. San Jeronymo was the flagship. The other five were lateen rigged caravels fitted with heavy artillery and the expedition carried 800 trained soldiers. Since it was realized that there might be serious opposition a reinforcement of five vessels under Estavo da Gama was sent five months later. 

The most impressive fact about this first and most decisive period of Portuguese endeavour is the remarkable manner in which the fleets in the East were kept reinforced by the Portuguese home government. Armada followed armada in unending succession under trained captains, and the Portuguese chiefs in the Indian waters knew that men and ships were on the way bringing succor to them. Even in the most difficult circumstances they could therefore hold out with the firm conviction that help was not far away. In this work, the Portuguese Government had the financial backing of the great merchant princes of Antwerp who, realizing the revolutionary change in trade that the Portuguese discoveries involved, had hastened to annex the benefits. The Weslers, for example, had invested in the Portuguese voyages of 1505, and the Lisbon Government had found it necessary as early as 1503 to open a depot for spices in Antwerp. To this system of continuous reinforcements, worked out by Dom Manoel with the assistance of Antwerp capital, must be attributed the success that attended the navies of Portugal on the Eastern seas. 

Da Gama and his associates, even before they reached the coast of India, began to enforce the claim of his sovereign to be ‘the Lord of Navigation’. Without any kind of warning he intercepted and destroyed any vessel he came across on his voyage. The following incident quoted in Lendas da India is typical of the policy of terrorism and piracy that he introduced into Indian waters. The Portuguese armada ran across some unarmed vessels returning from Mecca. Vasco da Gama captured them and in the words of Lendas, ‘after making the ships empty of goods, prohibited anyone from taking out of it any Moor and then ordered them to set fire to it’. The explanation for capturing the vessel is perhaps to be found in Barroes’ remark: ‘It is true that there does exist a common right to all to navigate the seas and in Europe we recognize the rights which others hold against us; but the right does not extend beyond Europe and therefore the Portuguese as Lords of the Sea are justified in confiscating the goods of all those who navigate the seas without their permission.’ 

Strange and comprehensive claim, yet basically one which every European nation, in its turn, held firmly almost to the end of Western supremacy in Asia. It is true that no other nation put it forward so crudely or tried to enforce it so barbarously as the Portuguese in the first quarter of the sixteenth century, but the principle that the doctrines of international law did not apply outside Europe, that what would be barbarism in London or Paris is civilized conduct in Peking (e.g. the burning of the Summer Palace) and that European nations had no moral obligations in dealing with Asian peoples (as for example when Britain insisted on the opium trade against the laws of China, though opium smoking was prohibited by law in England itself) was part of the accepted creed of Europe’s relations with Asia. So late as 1870 the President of the Hong Kong Chamber of Commerce declared: ‘China can in no sense be considered a country entitled to all the same rights and privileges as civilized nations which arc bound by international law. Till the end of European domination the fact that rights existed for Asians against Europeans was conceded only with considerable mental reservation. In countries under direct British occupation, like India, Burma and Ceylon, there were equal rights established by law, but that as against Europeans the law was not enforced very rigorously was known and recognized. In China, under extra-territorial jurisdiction, Europeans were protected against the operation of Chinese laws. In fact, except in Japan this doctrine of different rights persisted to the very end and was a prime cause of Europe’s ultimate failure in Asia. 

K.M. Panikkar, Asia and Western Dominance: A Survey of the Vasco Da Gama Epoch of Asian History 1498–1945 (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1953), 41-43. Panikkar (1895–1963) was a prominent historian and diplomat in late colonial and post-colonial India. Sanjay Subrahmanyam, the author of a number of scholarly histories of the Portuguese Empire and its personalities, has contested Panikkar’s characterizations of da Gama and described Panikkar variously as an “idealogue” and “Indian nationalist,” which he was. Asia and Western Dominance was completed in 1951, just as Panikkar was finishing his tenure as Indian ambassador to China and moving to Cairo to become Indian ambassador to Egypt, however the idea for the book was conceived much earlier. “In 1925,” he recounts, “when I went to Portugal I visited the port of Belem from which Vasco da Gama set out on his fateful voyage to India and marveled at the momentous changes unleashed on the world by that trivial event. It was then that the idea of writing a full scale history of European domination over the Asian continent had occurred to me.” As an idealogue and nationalist, Panikkar oversaw the organization and elaboration of a series of cultural and intellectual projects related to the writing and publication of Indian and Asian history (more on those efforts, at length, in the future).