Syllabus: Transnational Asian Thought (2021)

I have been teaching this course for the last few months. The readings could use some tweaks no doubt, and pandemic conditions remain an impediment, but it was fun. This course is a senior-level, discussion based seminar which culminates in a final research project. The "optional" readings below were listed to help guide students to different kinds of readings and topics as they prepared their final projects.The dearth of translated material—especially of twentieth-century Arabic materials—is a major challenge in teaching a course like this, but there is nevertheless a great deal I could have included which I did not. I have simply posted the reading schedule below, leaving out the assignments and the bureaucratic paratext.


The first congress of representatives of the peoples of the East loudly proclaims to the whole world. To the capitalist rulers of Britain: This shall not be! You dogs will not devious the peoples of the east. You, a wretched handful of oppressors, will not reduce to everlasting serfdom hundred of millions of Eastern workers and peasants. You have bitten off too big a piece, more than you can chew, and it will choke you! 


 — Manifesto to the Peoples of the East (1920)


Schedule


Week 1

Introduction: History, the library, the internet 


I. Frameworks and Guides


Week 2

What is Asia? 


Sanjay Subrahmanyam, “One Asia, or Many? Reflections From Connected History,” Modern Asian Studies 50:1 (2016), 5-43. 


Rabindranath Tagore, “Asia’s Response to the Call of the New Age,” Modern Review 52:4 (1932), 369-373.


Week 3

What’s the point of Transnational Asian Thought? 


Milinda Banerjee, Decolonize Intellectual History! An Agenda for the Capitalocene https://jhiblog.org/2021/05/19/decolonize-intellectual-history/


Loubna El Amine, "Beyond East and West: A reorientation of political theory through the prism of modernity," Perspectives on Politics (March 2016).


Optional: 


Raymond Williams, “Intellectual” Keywords (1976)



Week 4

Comparison vs. Connection 


C.A. Bayly, “Indian and Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age,” Hanssen and Weiss, Arabic Thought Beyond the Liberal Age: Towards an Intellectual History of the Nahda (2016), 325-350. 


Noor-Aiman Khan, “A Tale of Two Nationalisms,” in Egyptian-Indian Nationalist Collaboration and the British Empire (2011), 13-31. 


Optional:


Sanjay Subrahmanyam, “Global Intellectual History Beyond Hegel or Marx,”  History and Theory 54:1 (2015), 126-137. 


II. The Content and Conditions of Thought


Week 5

Travel and the Limits of Asia 


Selections from Yosano Akiko, Travels in Manchuria and Mongolia: A Feminist Poet from Japan Encounters Prewar China (1928)


Optional:


Selections from: Shibli Nu’mani, Turkey, Egypt, and Syria: A Travelogue (1897) translated by Gregory Maxwell Bruce.


Mariusz Kałczewiak, “Anticolonial Orientalism: Perets Hirshbeyn’s Indian Travelogue,” In geveb: A Journal of Yiddish Studies (July 2019) https://ingeveb.org/articles/anticolonial-orientalism


Rabindranath Tagore, Journey to Persia and Iraq, 1932


Week 6

Asia Against Europe I


Benoy Sarkar, “The Futurism of Young Asia,” (1918). 


Nguyen Thuong Hien, “Tearful Conversation over the Mulberry Fields and the Sea,” (1912 or 1913)


Optional:

Manu Goswami, “Imaginary Futures and Colonial Internationalisms,” American Historical Review 117:5 ( 2012), pp. 1461-1485


David G. Marr, Vietnamese Anticolonialism, 1885-1925 (1980)


Nicole CuUnjieng Aboitiz, Asian Place, Filipino Nation A Global Intellectual History of the Philippine Revolution, 1887–1912 (2020)


Week 7

Asia Against Europe II


Rebecca Karl, “Creating Asia: China in the World at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century” American Historical Review Vol. 103, No. 4 (Oct., 1998), pp. 1096-1118.


Optional


Tansen Sen and Brian Tsui, Beyond Pan-Asianism Connecting China and India, 1840s-1960s (2021)


Benedict Anderson, Under Three Flags: Anarchism and the Anti-colonial Imagination (2005) 


Sunil Amrith, “Gazing at the Stars,” History Workshop Journal (2008)



Week 8

“Eastern Women” 


Hi-Yen Zhen, “On the Question of Women’s Liberation” and “On Feminist Antimilitarism,” in Liu, Karl, and Ko, eds., The Birth of Chinese Feminism 53-71; 167-184.  

Optional: 


Shobna Nijhawan, “International Feminism from an Asian Center: The All-Asian Women’s Conference (Lahore, 1931) as a Transnational Feminist Moment,” Journal of Women's History 29:3 (2017), 12-36. 


Anup Grewal, “Transnational Socialist Imaginary and the Proletarian Woman in China,” CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture 15.2 (2013): <https://doi.org/10.7771/1481-4374.2218>


Week 9

Asian Communism 


Nergis Ertürk, “Baku Literary Common,” (2014) https://stateofthediscipline.acla.org/entry/baku-literary-common


Selections from Riddel, ed., To See the Dawn: Baku, 1920–First Congress of the Peoples of the East (1993). 


M.P.T. Acharya, “Anarchist Manifesto,” (1926) in We Are Anarchists (2019), edited by Ole Birk Laursen.


Optional:


Ole Birk Laursen, “'I have only One Country, it is the World': Madame Cama, Anticolonialism, and Indian-Russian Revolutionary Networks in Paris, 1907–17,” History Workshop Journal (2021) 


Week 10

Asia Abroad 


Selections from: Har Dayal, Forty-four Months in Germany and Turkey (1920) 


Selections from the newspaper The United States of India https://www.saada.org/browse/source/the-united-states-of-india


Michael Goebel, “Learning and Imparting Lessons in Anti-Imperialism: Students in the Latin Quarter,” in ​​Anti-Imperial Metropolis Interwar Paris and the Seeds of Third World Nationalism (2015), 116-136. 


Optional: 


Mai Ramnath, Haj to Utopia How the Ghadar Movement Charted Global Radicalism and Attempted to Overthrow the British Empire (2011) 


Renisa Mawani, Across Oceans of Law: The Komagata Maru and Jurisdiction in the Time of Empire (2018)



Week 11

Asia’s Last Stand? 


G.H. Jansen, “Dawn: The Asian Relations Conference, New Delhi, March 1947,”  in Afro-Asia and Non-Alignment (1966), 51-75


Optional:


Carolien Stolte and Harald Fischer-Tiné, “Imagining Asia in India: Nationalism and Internationalism (ca. 1905–1940),” Comparative Studies in Society and History 54:1 (2012)



Week 12

Presentations


Etel Adnan contra the Kataeb

 


Dear Editor,
 

Being a Lebanese whose father was a Moslem and mother a Christian, I feel I can express a few ideas in relation to Mr Saab's article in Forum's December issue.

I cannot explain how Mr Saab states so positively that "Arab nationalism had to have recourse to the most retrograde . . . instrument: Islam." It is unbecoming, to say the least, to call Islam, which is a great religion with a tremendous mystical literature and a great history, "retrograde" because some Moslems might be retrograde. Would Mr Saab accept the accusation that Christianity is backward because some Christians are fanatics? Nowadays, with the free world adopting more and more socialistic measures, the only absolute difference between the communists and us is religion. 

When Mr Saab states "that our immediate survival depends on the eternal duel between Baghdad and Cairo," is he aware that any lasting conflict between the Arab states will only harm all of us and eventually serve only Israel's expansion? 

It does not take "a selection of eight or ten thinkers at a maximum" to save Lebanon, or any other country. There were thousands of them in France who rather helped the country to sink until De Gaulle put some order in the house. And De Gaulle did not turn French Catholics against French Protestants, or did not rely on any "eternal conflict." He spoke of the unity of France, even if France has been composed of Basques, Spaniards, Corsican Italians, Germans of the Frankish invasions, Latins of Julius Caesar and all the immigrants who keep pouring in.

It is not Emmanuel Mounier who is going to save us, although he may be able to influence us for the best. But Mounier takes off from problems or situations which are typically French. If we want to be saved, spiritually as well as materially, we have to find solutions which answer our specifically Middle Eastern situation. And the only inspiration I see is in the message of Love, given by Christ, and the spirit of Charity and Tolerance which characterizes Islam.

 

ETHEL [sic] ADNAN

Instructor in French and the Humanities

Dominican College

San Rafael, California.


Middle East Forum 36:2 (February 1960). Adnan is responding to a deeply chauvinistic article by Edouard Saab "Lebanon and the UAE-Iraq Conflict," Middle East Forum 35:10 (December 1959), 15-17.


Saleem Kidwai (1951 – 2021)

Agha Shahid Ali, Begum Akhtar, and Saleem Kidwai

 

Saleem Kidwai, great carrier of Begum Akktar and Agha Sahid Ali’s legacies, is now gone. Born in Lucknow in 1951, he exemplified its finest literary and artistic traditions. A brave historian and eloquent translator, his work will surely remain widely read and cited for many years to come. It was a great pleasure to meet Professor Kidwai in 2016 when I was studying Urdu in Lucknow, his hospitality appeared to me boundless, and his knowledge humbling. Below I reproduce his incredible account of the infamous raid on Montreal’s Truxx nightclub in 1977. Published in the Bay Area Desi queer magazine Trikone in 2001, it is a moving memoir, tracing both the contours of state violence and the journey of a dislocated intellectual. 

****

Wrong Place, Wrong Time

I was paying for my beer when the Truxx was raided in fall of 1977. That night that changed my life in many ways has now turned into an amusing tale of irony. Now there are gay unions in Canada. But in 1977 there wasn't much.

I was then 26, shy but eager to explore the freedom that Montreal offered. I had arrived the year before to enroll as a graduate student at McGill University. Professionally, I did not need the Ph.D degree. I had been teaching at Delhi University for three years, had tenure, and was therefore entitled to study leave. The powerful don at the University could not understand why I wanted to go to Canada when I could finish my Ph.D in Delhi. I couldn't retort "It's not that. I am gay. I am 24 and have never been to a gay bar. I can't wait to be in one. I want to meet gay people. I want to go to North America to see what gay liberation is about. I want to taste freedom. I want to live without fear."

My discovery of the freedoms of the new free world was slow. The settling down, the homesickness, and my first harsh winter kept me preoccupied. My forays into gay commercial establishments were limited. The handbook that the University had sent me had mentioned the Peel Pub as a place where gays met. I had walked past it a few times trying to look inside before I finally, held my breath, pulled up my parka hood, and walked in. But it was uncomfortable and unfriendly. People were usually in groups who either ignored me or showed a blatant interest that unnerved me.

However, I did make friends outside of the pub and finally was introduced to the Truxx in early '77. I would have been totally intimidated but a friend went with me the first few times. Soon I was walking in without a thought.

Truxx actually included two other establishments, `The Mystique' and the `Rock'n'ball' atop which the Truxx was located. The Mystique, sometimes affectionately nicknamed The Mistake, was a piano bar, and its patrons were derisively referred to as `aunties' by Truxx die-hards. People there were more conservatively dressed while the fashionable ones walked in wearing fur coats. It was a good place for conversation, a place to sit and I liked the cabaret there. The Mystique was busy from Friday nights till the Sunday tea dance. Above it, the Rock'n'ball was a disco. Its dance floor was small and it was too noisy and most of the crowd young and trendy.

The Truxx was bare, unadorned and nearly always packed. A guy on the Gay help line had described the patrons as the `leather-Levis crowd.' The sexual energy in there was palpable. People did not waste time dancing or listening to someone sing. Instead, some struck poses; some displayed their muscles, while others, their leather apparel. I made my first bar-pickup there. The guy had been staring at me unabashedly and though flattered, I was embarrassed and did not know what was expected of me. I did not have to wait long because he walked up to me and put his tongue in my mouth without saying a word. Later, we arranged to meet the next day.

I do not want to suggest that this happened to others or to me on a regular basis at the Truxx. Most of the people, as I recall, left alone after endless hours of leaning against walls or counters.

The three bars were integrated into one by the fire escape, which saw a constant flow of people switching floors. That night, I entered through the Mystique and decided to get a beer before I settled down to waiting to see how the night would unfold. I headed up to Truxx where I always bought my beer because it was a quarter cheaper there. On a small fellowship, I had to count my quarters. I wonder what would have happened if I had tarried at The Mystique. Apparently most of the people at Mystique and many at the Rock'n'ball were allowed to go.

Instead, I happened to be in the place the cops really wanted to bust. Strange lighting suddenly lit up the dark bar. These were the powerful beams from the lights on the helmets of the cops who were dressed in fighting gear. They all had their automatic weapons aimed at waist level, as they rushed in, looking as if they were about to storm a guerilla hideout.

We were ordered by a cop on a megaphone to face the wall, raise our hands and place them on it. We waited while we were thoroughly frisked and insulted by the police. And then charged with being `found ins' in a `bawdy house!'

Then we were sent to an officer who was noting down personal information on a clipboard, and checking IDs. I panicked. One thing I had realized very early about this new, free world was that immigration authorities did not like homosexuals, particularly foreign ones. I was on a student visa, and the idea of deportation made my knees buckle. When my turn came, it took me a long time to tell him how to spell my unfamiliar name. I did not want them to see my student ID so I produced my Social Security card. The man was not content and again I tried to concoct an incomprehensible explanation. I think he mistook my nervousness for inadequate language skills. Fed up with the time I was taking, he decided he had enough on me. In any case it was late and they had 180 odd men to enlist. I went back to my place and put my hands on the wall again. I don't remember how long we stood thus but I do remember that my arms began to ache.

We were then led out into waiting police vans. Crowds had gathered outside the bars, and there were a few flashbulbs and a television camera or two. There were some slogans of protest but more jeering. I could not figure out who was being jeered--the police or us. We were packed in the van as densely as animals meant for slaughter are packed into trucks in India. It was almost impossible to breathe. You had to keep turning your nose to possible passages for fresh air. However, the unrelenting weekend spirit of some people refused to die down. Their banter irritated me at first, but over the endless hours that followed, I realized how valuable and rare a sense of humor was that night.

Our first stop was the downtown police station. Here we queued up to be booked, fingerprinted etc. Then we were herded into cells. Many more than a dozen were locked into a cell with bunk beds for two. The cells were tiny and the commode was almost next to the bunk beds. The beer drunk by most could no longer be retained. The floor was soon splattered with urine and the stench began to get unbearable. Finally, when all were booked, we were packed in the vans and moved again to another detention center.

Thankfully there were no cells here. It was a hall with few chairs. By morning people were beginning to collapse with fatigue and stress and had begun to lie down on the floor, oblivious of the cigarette stubs and dregs of spilt coffee from paper cups spread all over.

More humiliation awaited us. We were told to line up and drop out trousers and underwear and bend over. We waited, bent, as an elderly doctor slowly worked his way down the line, shoving cotton buds into people's rectums, labeling them and putting them away. This I was told was to test us for STDs.

Sometime after mid day we were produced before a magistrate. The end was almost anti-climatic. We pleaded not guilty of `being a found-in a bawdy house,' and were given a date to appear in court.

The blinding sunlight was the first thing I noticed when I stepped out. Some men who told me that a group defense was being planned offered legal help if I wanted. They told me where to get in touch with them.

I hurried back to my apartment and locked myself in and felt I never wanted to leave its safety again. I felt that way for a long time. So much for the freedom that I had come looking for!

For a few days after this I was a mess and totally dysfunctional. I did not appear at school for a week and was severely reprimanded by my language professor. I was mad with worry. I was scared of the trial, of getting convicted, of the publicity and scandal. I worried about the revocation of my visa. I decided that if it came to that, I would leave on my own so as to not get a `deported' stamp on my passport. Even then, how would I face my colleagues and the university authorities? What would I tell my family which had been so supportive--that I had to leave because I was caught in a brothel? How would I explain it to my homosexual friends in India? The truth would drive many of them, already living in fear, deeper into their closets.

I survived that period with the help of gay and straight friends. The legal aid cell of the students union sanctioned 110 dollars for my defense. A friend introduced me to a lawyer friend of his for advice. The lawyer was a successful corporate lawyer, constantly flying between continents, and would normally never have handled a case like this. However, he was so outraged by what I told him that he volunteered to do the case for the $110. He is one of the kindest men I have known.

He suggested I not join the group defense. He advised that we file a suit against the city of Montreal for false arrest, and harassment and demand a million dollar compensation. I said I could not deny under oath that I was gay and so had reservations about pretending ignorance. He clarified the issues. I was charged with being a found-in, not for being gay. "Was that place a bawdy house he asked?" No I said without hesitation "Even if they were to establish that it was a bawdy house, did you know that?" He asked. Again I denied it truthfully. "Then where is the question of lying?" I felt reassured and agreed to the million-dollar suit. He hesitatingly suggested that he would be entitled to 15% of whatever I got. I told him he could keep all of it if he wanted. I just want the pall of fear lifted from my life. We drank to that.

I did not sleep well for days before the first appearance at court, which eventually did not take very long. I had to wait with some ladies who had been picked up the previous night and who were still indiscriminately belligerent towards all. The Judge did not even look at me when my turn came and assigned another date.

Not too many days later, one morning at six while I was still asleep, the buzzer rang. I found two gentlemen who showed me their police badges and walked in. Fear had me wide-awake instantly. They mentioned my complaint and then switched to being inquisitive. Was I gay? There are no gays in India I told them using the official line of the government. They asked me if I had girlfriends and I said yes. Why was I drinking in bar full of only men? In India, I told them, men preferred to drink without women around. In between this trivia, they dropped threats. Their method was practiced, insidious and transparent. They told me what could happen. They could inform the university and my professors. They could inform my family. They were now aware that I was on a student visa and told me that the immigration department would cancel my visa if they found out about the arrest.

Then one of them threw me the bait. They asked me if I wanted the charges against me dropped. I asked how that would be done. They suggested I become a prosecution witness. I agreed, and asked how I could be of help. They wanted me to tell them about the scandalous goings on in the backroom. I said I had seen none. They kept coming back to it and I kept denying it. They finally asked if I would withdraw the complaint. I said no. They left looking very cross.

For the next two hours I waited for a respectable hour to call my lawyer. He told me take a cab and meet him at his office immediately. He was in a rage when I got there. Had I not seen enough American television to know that I should have refused to speak without my lawyer present? And why did I not call him when the police appeared?

Within the next half an hour we walked into the courthouse and into the office of some officer of the justice department. My lawyer let loose a volley of complaints about how his client, an innocent, bright, foreign student, was first arrested on false charges and then harassed by the police. He said that the police henceforth should communicate with his client through him and if this were to be infringed, he would raise the harassment claim to five million dollars. The officer, taken back at demeanor of the lawyer, his seniority and the vehemence of his protest, reassured us that he would look into the matter and that it would not be repeated.

As if to make up for his angry words, my lawyer took me out for a meal where he promised that he would personally go to the highest court on his own to defend me if he had to. I was reassured, and even more, touched by his generosity.

It took me some time to go back to the bars again, particularly the Truxx, which had reopened within a couple of days. But the fear of being busted never receded too far from daily memory.

I made good friends, enjoyed the beautiful city and came to love it. I concentrated on schoolwork, got an M.A, and completed the PhD residency requirements including the Comprehensive Exams. My leave was coming to an end and I was free to complete my dissertation in India and return to defend it. Friends, and a professor who had become a friend, advised me to chuck up the job at home and look for a job in North America. They assumed that as a gay man, that should have been my obvious choice. But that option had turned out to be a dream. As a gay person, I now wanted to live at home.

I had realized that in spite of laws, or their absence, freedom for me meant living my life according to rules I made for myself. I also knew well that it was not going to be easy. If I had to contribute to change, I preferred to do it at home.

The case had gotten nowhere in three years. Very much as in the Indian judicial system, dates were assigned and then reassigned. When I told my lawyer that I planned to leave the country in a few weeks, he pointed out that I would be jumping the personal bail I had given to the court. I asked what I should do because I wanted to return to Canada and defend my dissertation. He explained the law and the remedies clinically. "When you try and enter the country again, the computer will show that you jumped bail. They will arrest you. You have to insist that you be allowed to make a phone call to your lawyer. I will come and you will be out the same day. And yes, you must inform me when you are arriving." Wasn't there a way I could get the court's permission to leave I asked. "The case is buried under countless others. Do you want it dug up? Do you want to go back to the court? And there is very little time." I instantly decided what I had to do. I was going to jump bail and never come back to Canada again.

It was a major decision that I took in an instant. For years I regretted that after all the hard work, I would never get a Ph.D.

The end of this story was inconsequential in some ways. In 1984 a letter arrived bearing a Canadian stamp. I had begun dreading those letters because with increasing frequency they brought frightening and horrible news about friends and acquaintances dying of the new, mysterious cancer. But this letter contained a press clipping about the charges being dropped. My friend wrote that he hoped I would finally put this behind me. I already had. The charges being dropped made little difference to me. My life had taken already taken a different course.

Trikone 16 (2001). My thanks to Shireen Hamza for sharing this with me in 2016 when we were both in Lucknow. At McGill, Kidwai wrote a MA thesis entitled Three Historians of the Delhi Sultanate, which will surely be of interest to some [PDF]. 


Saghir Ahmad (1936 – 1971)


Saghir Ahmad with his brother Eqbal and an unidentified woman. Via SAADA.

I cherish a poignant memory of Rashid’s responses to death. In 1971, my younger brother, a personal friend and political comrade, was killed in an accident. At the funeral in Vancouver, I was surprised by a Palestinian delegation bearing flowers and condolences from the PLO. Rashid had a hand in this thoughtful gesture. Months later, when I saw him in New York, Rashid said: "Tell me about Saghir Ahmad. I want to learn from him."

— Eqbal Ahmad, remembering Rashid Hussein.¹ 

Saghir Ahmad was born in Bihar eighty-five years ago and died, too young, fifty years ago, in British Columbia. Pakistan Forum, a journal Saghir was closely involved with, concluded in their obituary that “in many ways, Saghir’s life symbolizes the struggle of the members of colonized intelligentsia who constantly strive for the decolonization of their minds.” In a recent interview, Mohammad Qadeer, formerly an associate editor of the journal, comments that Saghir’s transformation into a socialist was occasioned by his move to the United States, “with his brother’s influence and after coming to America, he became more political.”³

In the obituary I reproduce below, the anti-imperialist anthropologist Kathleen Gough summarized Ahmad’s work and traced his intellectual itinerary as he moved from the Anglo-American social anthropology he was trained in at Michigan State, to the more critical Marxism that charaecterizes his later work. Gough was Ahmad’s colleague at Simon Fraser University’s Political Science, Sociology, and Anthropology (PSA) department. As Gough recounts briefly, Ahmad arrived on campus amid a serious struggle over the university that his department was deeply enmeshed in. 

The faculty and students of the PSA had resolved in 1969, like those involved with Lumumba-Zapata College at UCSD at around the same time, to develop a radically different way of organizing research and teaching in the university. The department was restructured around three key principles: first, the task of democratizing the university, wherein staff, faculty, and students all had a say in the goings on of the department, including decisions over tenure; second, a commitment to a critical social scientific practice, attuned to a “humane social order” not the needs of governments and corporations; and third, an obligation to integrate their research with the political efforts of oppressed communities beyond the university in British Columbia. Simon Fraser’s administration, however, was not keen on these radical ideas, refusing to acknowledge, among other things, the department’s tenure decisions. Eight faculty members, including Saghir Ahmad, were suspended and later dismissed in the upheaval. In May 1971, the Canadian Association of University Teachers (CAUT), censured Simon Fraser for its actions, a censure which would last until 1977.⁴    

The department was an important site for Ahmad’s transformation as a scholar. Mordecia Briemberg, the dismissed chair of the PSA, wrote in 1970 that the department aimed to abandon the disciplines and “inter-disciplines,” seeking instead to focus their intellectual efforts at understanding “the process of capitalism, imperialism and revolution.”⁵ Lectures and seminars were convened to consider how the world functioned under capitalism and how it might be changed. Among those invited were Harry Magdoff, Ernest Mandel, Eric Wolf, William Hinton, Mary Oppenheimer, Robert Fitch, Grace Lee and James Boggs, Herbert Marcuse, and Marvin Harris.

Beyond the PSA, Simon Fraser was a site of radical political activity in general, “Berkeley North,” in one scholar’s phrase. Saghir’s partner at the time of his untimely death, Anne Roberts, describes her involvement in the Women’s Caucus on campus: “These weren’t armchair Marxists: By the time I joined, they were already running illegal abortion clinics, organizing workshops on working women, and setting up child care co-ops. It seemed as if the revolution had begun.” Although Ahmad’s time at Simon Fraser was cut short, first by the actions of the administration and then by his tragic death, he seemed to have left an important mark on those with whom he studied and thought. Simon Fraser’s student newspaper The Peak, ran an obituary of Ahmad by Paul Mier, who recounted his teacher’s profound impact on his life and lamented his loss. “The world is a darker place for a lot of us and a harder place for all of us. A man who did our fighting and took on our common burden is gone… But the struggle that he lived for is still going on.”⁸ 

In addition to Gough’s obituary, I have also posted a bibliography of Ahmad’s work below, including PDFs when possible.



¹Kamal Boullata and Mirene Ghossein, eds., The World of Rashid Hussein, a Palestinian Poet in Exile (Detroit: Association of Arab-American University Graduates, 1979), 59.

²“Obituary: Saghir Ahmad,” Pakistan Forum 2:1 (October, 1971), 2.

³Shozab Raza, “Theorizing Pakistan in Diaspora: The Pakistan Forum,” Jamhoor (July 1, 2019). https://www.jamhoor.org/read/2019/7/1/theorizing-pakistan-in-diaspora-the-pakistan-forum The interview offers rich insights into the political and intellectual debates that animated the journal.

John Cleavland, “SIXTIES STUDENTS: Simon Fraser (6): The PSA Strike,” leftactivist.com (September 6, 2019), https://leftactivist.com/blog/sixties-students-simon-fraser-6-the-psa-strike

Mordecia Briemberg, “A Taste of Better Things,” The Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology 1:3 (1970), 37-54. See also Kathleen Gough's account, “The Struggle at Simon Fraser University,” Monthly Review 22:1 (1970), 31-45.

John Cleavland, “‘Berkeley North’: Why Simon Fraser Had the Strongest 1960s Student Power Movement,” in M. Athena Palaeologue, ed., The Sixties in Canada: A Turbulent and Creative Decade (Montreal: Black Rose Books, 2009), 193-232. Undoubtedly, the most significant mobilization of radical students was the 1969 "Sir George Williams Affair" in Montreal. See chapter 7 of David Austin, Fear of a Black Nation: Race, Sex and Security in Sixties Montreal (Toronto: Between the Lines, 2013).  

Anne Roberts, “Vancouver Women's Caucus: A Women's Liberation History Project,” https://www.vancouverwomenscaucus.ca/herstory/personal-memories/anne-roberts/

Paul Meir, “Saghir Ahmad,” The Peak 18:11 (July 14, 1971), 12.

 

****

 

Kathleen Gough, “Saghir Ahmad,” Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 4:1 (Winter 1971), 72-76. 

 


Following Yahya Khan's invasion of East Pakistan on March 25th of this year, a small number of West Pakistani intellectuals living in North America publicly condemned the brutal massacres. Prominent among them were Saghir and Eqbal Ahmad (brothers), Feroz Ahmed, and Aijaz Ahmed, all university teachers and writers. These men wrote open letters to their government and articles on BangIa Desh, demonstrated, and gave media interviews, braving possible reprisals. Together with friends from East Bengal, they tried to inform North Americans about the conditions of the people and the character of the contending forces in BangIa Desh, and to oppose the U.S. contribution to that slaughter. 

Saghir Ahmad's accidental death by drowning in North Vancouver, British Columbia on July 7th is a serious loss to radical social science, to the Pakistani and Canadian socialist movements, and to the anti-war movement in North America. At 35, he was nearing the height of his intellectual powers and his capacity for political work. A sociologist and anthropologist, he wrote on class structure and class struggle in West Pakistan, on the Thuggee guerrilla movement in Northern India in the nineteenth century, on imperialism and revolutionary struggle in South and Southeast Asia, and on the roles of radical social scientists. At the time of his death he was a new editor of Pakistan Forum and was about to visit refugee camps in India and to co-author a book on BangIa Desh. 

Saghir was born into an arena of suffering and struggle and struggled all his life. A few weeks after his birth, his father, a landowner of an aristocratic Malik family in Bihar, India, was assassinated in reprisal for his support of land reform. When he was ten, the impending partition of India and Pakistan made Saghir witness to bloody attacks on the Muslim community of Bihar in which many of his friends and half his kinsfolk were killed. Shortly afterwards, he followed his elder brothers to Lahore in West Pakistan. At Forman Christian College in Lahore and later at the University of the Punjab, where he obtained his M.A. degree in 1958, he took part in the radical student movement and read the Marxist classics. He moved to America in 1961, received his doctorate from Michigan State University in 1967, and was subsequently employed at Oakland University in Michigan and at the University of Alberta and Simon Fraser University in Canada. In 1965 Saghir returned to Pakistan to study a village in Sarghoda District of the Punjab, where he became deeply immersed in the lives of the peasantry. 

Saghir's intellectual work is the work of a man at war with a part of himself and with his colonial environment, yet a man who, kindly, tolerant and truthful, tries to distort nothing and to give each fellow human his due. 

In the opening editorial of Pakistan Forum (October-November 1970), Eqbal Ahamd wrote: With few exceptions, we have failed in our primary intellectual responsibility of carrying out a meaningful debate on the opportunities for social and economic transformation, definition of national goals, and requisites for creating a just balanced and democratic society. Our minds and our souls, like our economic, political and social institutions await decolonization. Saghir Ahmad's life and work over the past decade offer a striking instance of this process of decolonization of the mind and soul. 

As a doctoral student in America in the early 1960’s, Saghir necessarily became steeped in structural-functional and other liberal social science approaches. His early work uses the best of such approaches to good advantage, yet from the first he is dissatisfied and looks for something beyond them. In his doctoral thesis, Class and Power in a Punjab Village (1967) the authorities he quotes and whose theories he utilizes include, for example, Weber, the Indianist scholars Mangalam, Barth, Marriott, Mayer, Bailey and Nicholas -- and Marx. Saghir went to the Punjabi village in order to examine the diffusion of power and wealth which had supposedly been brought about by Pakistan's laws of 1959 regarding land reform and Basic Democracies. He found such diffusion virtually non-existent and says so flatly at the beginning of his thesis, contradicting the received wisdom of that date. Instead of permitting a diffusion of power through elections, landlords had put up their managers and front-men as candidates. In order to by-pass the land reforms, they had converted some land from tenant farms to farming of cash crops with wage labor, thus impoverishing sections of the peasants and artisans. Saghir took as his central theme the relation between the village’s economic and political systems, making use of insights from British social anthropology into factional competition in village politics. His main argument is, however, the Marxist one that political structure and social stratification are fundamentally determined by modes and relations of production, and he shows this convincingly, although in places a trifle mechanically. This work is especially valuable in providing an early analysis of the real impact of land reform legislation in Pakistan, along with a rare explication of the processes and relations of village production. 

In later articles Saghir deepens his understanding of the Punjabi village, gradually abandoning functionalist approaches in favor of his own adaptations of Marxist analysis and attacking head-on the more pernicious doctrines coming out of Western research in Third World countries. In "Should Pakistan Seek Modernization?", written in 1967, he shows that Western concepts of modernization are a euphemism for the spread of capitalist relations and, more recently, of American dominance, which in Pakistan he found were perpetuating and indeed deepening the poverty of villagers. He shows that Punjabi village society is already "modern" in that social stratification is a matter of economic class more than of caste or kinship groups, political behavior is largely motivated by economic considerations, and the baneful influence of bureaucracy is pervasive. The peasants, moreover, are fully "rational" in Weber's sense. Their disinclination for economic changes introduced by the landlords arises not from superstition or blind custom but from prudent collective and individual self-interest, since it is the landlords and not the peasants who reap the profits from these changes. Thus in spite (or indeed, in part, because) of their "modernization", the peasants remain poor, illiterate and largely apathetic. These evils are in fact, Saghir argues, "a creation of the elites of the society", and "categorization of the villagers as traditional provides a rationale for their continued exploitation." His critique of "modernization" in this paper and in "The Economics of Agricultural Production" (1968) independently takes a similar course to that in the seminal work by Andre Gunder Frank in 1967. Together, these articles explode much of the mythology of American "economic development and cultural change" studies of the preceding decade. 

In 1968-69 Saghir moved from debunking current theories of development, and from an earlier tendency toward economic determinism, into concern with the contradictions inherent in social relations and with the sources of various kinds of revolt or revolution and their effects on social change. He read Marx, and also Mao Tse-tung, more extensively that year. His interest in the historical roots of revolt in South Asia became focused in research on the nineteenth century Thuggees. Examining the social composition, modes of recruitment and operations of these multi-caste, egalitarian rebel communities, Saghir concluded that they were not outcaste criminal elements, as they had been depicted in the British literature, but religiously sanctioned guerrilla movements, armed against the rulers and profiteers of an unjust social order and working with the support of large sections of the common people. 

 


"Islam and Pakistani Peasants", written in 1970, returns to the Punjabi village, but with a new perspective. Influenced by Eric Wolf's work on peasants as well as by Mao, Saghir now probes the conflicts of interest, obligation and emotional experience imposed on peasants by their relations to their kinsfolk and the local community, to landlords and bureaucrats, and to the literate urban society. He shows how, with the help of local religious leaders, the peasants try to handle and live with these contradictions through beliefs and practices specific to village Islam. The “Little Tradition” of Redfield and his associates comes to life in terms of particular conflicts, obligations, and privations suffered by the peasantry. For while examining major differences between the “Great Tradition” of the wealthy and the intellectuals and the Little Tradition of the peasants, Saghir sees that "the roots of such differences are to be found in their historical and material conditions of life." Islam as practised and believed by the peasants is thus not merely a product of parochialization or a less systematized and less reflective filtering down of elements of the Great Tradition, nor is it solely an opiate of the masses or a prop for landlordism. It includes, on the one hand, a concept of the need to submit to a hard fate – a fate which is in fact imposed on the peasants by landlords and bureaucrats. On the other hand, however, the peasants believe that it is acceptable to fail in formal religious duties or to cheat or steal from the upper classes, provided that one is just and compassionate within the village community. Such a religious tradition which combines the contradictory demands of the State and the landlords with those of the peasant household community, cannot be reconciled with the Islam prevalent among the upper classes or the intellectuals who promulgate the Great Tradition. For these classes, whether consciously or unconsciously, are exploiters. Their beliefs and practices therefore focus around other kinds of contradictions, such as the need to combine exploitation with charity. In West Pakistani villages in 1965., Saghir found that Islam was above all a vision to which the peasant aspired but which exploitation prevented him from attaining: a vision “of human dignity and pride, of social and economic justice, of a community of men based on honesty and love for one another.” 

Saghir's last paper on the peasants, published in this issue, wrestles again with problems stemming from the changing character of their class structure. The strengths of this article include his effort to integrate the large numbers of artisans and other service groups of the Punjab's canal colony region into a unitary class structure with the peasants. Second, he recognizes the growth of landless labor, unemployment, and impoverishment resulting from land reforms, new techniques of production, and cash crop farming. Third, he perceives the varying cultural and psychological attributes of the rural classes and the signs of emerging class solidarity between poor peasants and impoverished artisans. Fourth, he explores further the contradictions inherent in modern relations among the classes, instanced by the insecurity of the middle peasant, who in good times seeks identification with the rich peasants, but in bad times tends to rebel. Finally, in this paper Saghir's own decolonization and increasingly revolutionary awareness appear in the meaning that “modernization” has acquired for him. It is now no longer the spread of western economy and culture; rather, in Barrington Moore’s words, “the process of modernization ... culminates ...with peasant revolutions that succeed.” Consequently, whereas in his doctoral thesis Saghir still thought that the village influential (chiefly middle peasants) "could be more fully utilized in local development programs," now he looks to the poor peasants and the landless laborers as forces for revolutionary change. While he was writing this paper the massive carnage in BangIa Desh and the resistance being organized against it increased Saghir's sense of urgency and his hopes for peasant revolutionary struggle. 

Over the past year, the political persecution to which Saghir was subjected at Simon Fraser University, followed by the crisis in Pakistan, prevented him from returning to research in his own country. Instead, he turned part of his energy to broader Third World problems and to Canadian society, in a spate of journal and newspaper articles. Two are most noteworthy. One is a brilliant demolition of western theories of Third World overpopulation, which demonstrates (to me, conclusively) that "population is not the cause of poverty, rather it is poverty and the irrational structuring of society which cause the problem of population.” The other article is an assault on racism, poverty, and imperialism in Canada and on the failure of Canadain social scientists to attack these conditions.⁹ In these papers Saghir is angry yet incisive. His style gathers speed and color; powered by indignation against his own and others' suffering from racism and political persecution, he writes from both head and heart. 

The values that Saghir found among the peasants of West Pakistan, and received from his own family, guided him in the many settings through which he moved or into which he was driven. Wherever he lived Saghir moved people by his passionate humanity. When happy among friends or engaged in collective struggle, he shed a joyous radiance; when provoked, a fiery anger. Although his main loyalty was perhaps always to Pakistan, he was an internationalist who rooted himself in each local situation, making the sufferings of the people his suffering, and their struggles for justice his own. 

 

Two recent examples illustrate conflicts induced in Saghir by struggles going on in his environment, and the honor with which he surmounted them. In September 1969, after being denied a renewal of his visa in the United States and after researching for a year in Canada without a teaching appointment, Saghir came to teach at Simon Fraser University. On the way, he heard that a second elder brother had died suddenly in Pakistan, leaving to Saghir and Eqbal the maintenance of a number of relatives. When he reached Simon Fraser, Saghir found a majority of students and faculty in his department about to go on strike against a purge of radical teachers and the abolition of a democratic department concerned with critical and experimental teaching. Some of his acquaintances were on both sides of the conflict and "compromise paths” were being talked of. After a brief inner struggle and consultation with his brother, Saghir chose to strike, risking his salary, and the chance to teach that he so much wanted. During the strike, he was suspended from teaching along with seven other colleagues, and went through two years of harassment and delayed dismissal proceedings. Finally, on June 23, 1971 he was arbitrarily fired, without any due process, and looked forward to a new appointment at Trent University in Peterborough. 

Although forbidden to teach, Saghir spent his last two years guiding and befriending students, researching on Pakistan, and busying himself with the struggles of British Columbian workers, unemployed people, Quebecois, the antiwar movement in Canada, and, most recently BangIa Desh. His last 'research' trip was to Quesnel, a small town in British Columbia, where a race-fight occurred between white and Sikh workers. Saghir investigated the dispute for the Georgia Straight, a Vancouver underground newspaper, together with friends including Anne Roberts, his beloved companion and co-worker over the past five years. Yet "investigate" is not the word, for Saghir entered at once into the joys and fears of the Sikh community, revelled in their affection, and with difficulty tore himself away. In every city where he lived, he is mourned by dozens who loved him. 

A second and graver test of Saghir's integrity was BangIa Desh. Saghir was a West Pakistani who had grown up in a period of intense nationalism, and he was living precariously in North America. Many of his kin had moved from Bihar to East Bengal. As Urdu speakers of high status, they served the government in Islamabad'. Saghir knew some of them to have been killed in disturbances that followed Yahya Khan's refusal to implement the election results in East Pakistan. Saghir also deeply admired the government of China, which, however, was continuing its support of Yahya Khan. Yet when the invasion came he immediately disregarded these complications, recognized fascism, and opposed it. Instead of abdicating into passive observation from a distance, he exerted himself in the midst of his own troubles, leafleting, speaking, writing, fund raising, and traveling, for the people of Bangla Desh. 

 

Saghir's life was closely linked with that of his elder brother Eqbal, who, with seven other defendants in the Harrisburg Conspiracy Case, faces trial on inane charges of conspiracy against the government of the United States, It· is obvious to those who know him that these charges are persecution for Eqbal's legitimate and forthright opposition to the war in Indochina and his brilliant analyses of American imperialism. From their corrupting, co-optative situations in North American universities, both these brothers came forward and fulfilled the responsibilities of revolutionary intellectuals. Now Saghir has departed. Hard and bitter though his death is to many of us, we must carry on the struggles in which he was engaged.

 

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Select Bibliography of Saghir Ahmad

 

Review of Emerging Patterns of Rural Leadership in Southern Asia: A Report on an International Round Table Conference. Journal of Asian Studies 26:`1 (November 1966), 155-156. [PDF] 

“Economics of Agricultural Production.” Alberta Anthropologist 2:3 (December 1968), 8-16.  [PDF]

“Islam and Pakistani Peasants.” In Aziz Ahmad, ed., Contributions to Asian Studies 11 (1971), 105-125. [PDF] 

“Social Stratification in a Punjabi Village.” Contributions to Indian Sociology 4:1 (1971), 105-125. [PDF] 

“Should We Seek Modernization?" Pakistan Forum, 1 3 (February-March, 1971). Reprinted in Race & Class 19:1 (1977). [PDF] 

“Imperialism and Underdevelopment.” Review of Robert I. Rhodes, ed., Imperialism and Underdevelopment: a Reader. Pakistan Forum (June- July, 1971), 3-5, 9.  [PDF] 

“Laos: the Unforgettable War.” Georgia Straight (Vancouver, BC: February 17-24, 1971) 

“Indochina, Revolution and Counterrevolution.” Georgia Straight (Vancouver, BC: March 17-24). 

“Pakistan. Another Vietnam or Quebec.” Georgia Straight (Vancouver, BC: March 17-24) 

“Crisis in Pakistan.” Review of Tariq Ali, Pakistan: Military Rule or People's Power. Monthly Review 23:4 (September 1971), 51-62. [PDF]  

"On Population. Pakistan Forum 2:1 (October 1971), 3-7. [PDF]

“Peasant Classes in Pakistan.” Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 4:1 (Winter 1971), 60-71. Reprinted in Kathleen Gough and Hari P. Sharma, eds. Imperialism and Revolution in South Asia. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1973. [PDF] 

“The Role of Radical Social Scientists.” Paper prepared for Canadian Sociology and Anthropology meetings, June 1971 (unpublished) 

“A Village in Pakistani Panjab: Jalpana.” With selections by Hamza Alavi. In Clarence Maloney, ed., South Asia: Seven Community Profiles. New York: Holt, Rhinehart and Winston, 1974. [PDF] 

Class and Power in a Punjabi Village. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977. 

This bibliography draws on one appended to Richard Fraught’s obituary of Ahmad, “Saghir Ahmad (1936–1971),” The Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 8:4 (November 1971), 273-274 and the notes from Gough’s obituary cited above. Citations have been updated or corrected where necessary. Links to PDFs have been added when available.